Read June 2020.

Preface

• Reason for the book is to explain Luther’s ideas
• Luther let a genie out of the bottle, many other people’s ideas followed in his wake such that the Reformation was never exclusively Lutheran
• Key to Luther’s theology is certainty, the “focus and priority of his interpretation of the Christian Gospel” was certainty
• “The Bible, for him, had to be an utterly certain source of truth. The truth derived from it had, itself, to be utterly certain. And the fruit of that truth in the soul of the believer had to be an unwavering and absolute certainty of the immediate enjoyment of the grace and favour of God.”

Chapter 1 - Wittenberg 1517

• Luther was a reluctant rebel, circumstances gradually brought him to the realization that his teachings were incompatible with those of the Church
• Rex talks about why the dramatic posting of the 95 Theses didn’t happen, probably 31 Oct 1517 was when he mailed the Theses to the Archbishop of Mainz and perhaps some other nearby bishops calling their attention to questionable indulgence practices, they then languished in bureaucratic obscurity for a couple of months
• January 1518 the Theses started to become more well known
• Luther’s most effective opponent, Dr. Johannes Maier von Eck, OP, was already famous from well-publicized disputations in Italy where he argued that modest rates of interest on loans did not constitute usury
• The commercialization of indulgences was not the main focus of the Theses, he was mostly worried about giving a false sense of spiritual security to the faithful, making people careless about sin, stressed that indulgences did not relieve people from having to repent and confess their sins
• 95 Theses more provocative and shocking than heretical, “an almost carnivalesque performance”
• Most interesting thing about Theses: his concerns therein are almost the opposite of what he would be teaching by Spring 1518, that the certainty of salvation was at the heart of Christianity, he would be “offering Christians salvation on the cheapest terms ever”, a superindulgence of “faith without works”
• Ironic coincidence between Luther’s doctrine of justification and the Scholastic doctrine of indulgences, in fact Luther’s justification would have been impossible without the Scholastic theology of the middle ages, “it might almost be regarded as the logical consequence of that theory, and can certainly be seen and its most extreme formulation.”

Chapter 2 - From Erfurt to Wittenberg

• Johann von Staupitz, provincial vicar of the German Augustinian friars, Luther claimed him as a mentor and great influence on him, although they were very different people, can’t actually have been in the same place at the same time, Luther’s fondness for him is a little hard to explain; was Luther being from an artisan class impressed by Staupitz’ nobility?
• Luther’s early writings fairly conventional, do not betray what was to come, even the occasional criticisms of the moral failings of the Church were nothing compared to those of Sebastian Brandt (auther of Das Narrenschiff) or Erasmus, “Reformist critique was an orthodox genre.”
• The Two Augustines: Staupitz main theological work was Sermons on Job, traditional medieval biblical interpretation, draws from many sources including St Augustine (of course, his order’s patron); Staupitz’ Augustine was very much the medieval Augustine, the philosopher and mystic of The Confessions, The City of God, and On the Trinity; the Augustine the Luther was into was that of “the narrow-minded polemicist of the interminable tracts against the Pelagians, … the advocate of a harsh and unyielding doctrine of predestination.”
• Visit to the Holy Maid of Augsburg (only sustenance was the Holy Eucharist, she was later revealed as a fraud) on his way back from Rome, winter 1511, reflects his Catholic openness to Eucaristic miracles, which he would retain after his Reformation, observing later that the whole genre despite the frauds confirmed the doctrine of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist

Chapter 3 - The Catholic Luther

• Division of Bible into numbered chapters went back to 13th century, to the birth of universities
• Mid-16th century saw Bibles with numbered verses (French Protestant printer Robert Estienne), a byproduct of Reformation squabbling
• Early Luther’s commentary on the Psalms well within bounds of medieval Catholicism, we cooperate with God’s grace, justification is process, not an event, salvation is about imitating Christ, “The deeds of Christ, and of his saints, done in humility, poverty, and affliction, were examples set before the faithful for emulation.”
• Early Luther belonged to the Occamist theological faction

A brief aside

https://odysee.com/@thesymbolicworld:2/youtube_blY45eUx8iI:1 Jonathan Pageau (video “The Theology behind the Culture War”) talks contrasts nominalism (Occam) and univocalism (Bd. Duns Scotus): Nominalism: Stresses the transcendence of God, ascetic movement towards God; God is so high above reality that nothing you can say can touch God, nothing in reality is connected to God, when you say that God is good, you don’t mean it in the same way that other things are good, radical disjunct between God and all the rest of reality; according to the univocalists, this means that the world is arbitrary, and God is entirely separate from it Univocalism: Stresses the immanence of God, mystical movement towards God; God is the source of reality, therefore God is necessarily related to other things in the world, love in the world is the same type of love as God has, otherwise how could we even talk about these things, it’s just that God’s love is supreme love, more and bigger than what we have, God is the super-everything; according to the nominalists, this is trapping God in creation, making him like a pagan God Patristic: St. Dionysius the Areopagite, On Divine Names, if you love and understand that God is beyond being, you will never think that you can praise him as a thing, he can’t be recognized in any thing; and yet in order to praise him, you must turn to all of creation, all of which has God, theosis, as its destiny, all things long to move into God’s transcendence, all things strive to participate in the life of God at whatever level of being they are in

Back to Chapter 3

• Luther had a certain disdain for all theological squabbling however, reminiscent of The Imitation of Christ
• Most traditional feature of psalm commentary is view of Scripture as a peculiar kind of text, divine and inspired, carrying multiple, “perhaps even infinite,” meaning; Lutheran Luther would disagree, uncertainty and fluidity of meaning in Scripture utterly abhorrent
• Luther’s Pauline lecture series: Romans (1515–1516), Galatians (1516–1517), Hebrew (1517–1518)
• In Romans lectures there would be one particular point that would take him outside Catholic doctrine, that Baptism did not take away all sin; he was reading lots of Augstine’s anti-Pelagian writings, concerned with “sin” rather than “sins”, suspicious of human effort, saw human sin as a systemic problem, not just accidental events
• Pelagians objected to Augustine’s theory of sin and concupiscence saying that it contradicted the doctrine that Baptism took away all sin; Augustine affirmed this doctrine, but said that concupiscence survived Baptism, even though it was not a sin per se
• Luther slightly misquotes or misreads St Augustine on this point, concluding that concupiscence after Baptism is remitted “not so that it does not exist, but so that it is not imputed,” hyper-Augustinian view of sin!!
• Aristotle and Scholasticism were already under attack from at least two other directions:
  • Humanism (deprecated focus on logic in favour of rhetoric, art of persuasion)
  • Traditional pre-Scholastic monastic thought and contemplative learning (Platonic tradition?)
• Luther began to misrepresent Aristotle/Scholastics as neo-Pelagians (Scholastics theory of justification actually owed a lot to Augustine)

Chapter 4 - The Quest for Certainty

• Certainly of grace had always been deemed exceptional for Christians, e.g. St Paul’s own certainty of his salvation was his privilege as Apostle; for Luther it became normative
• This discovery of personal certainty of grace in 1518 was the decisive turning point in Luther’s theological development.
• Doubt as to one’s standing before God was the same as doubting God’s power to save sinners.
• Ecclesiastes 9:1 was viewed by Scholastics as the authoritative OT answer to this question: “All these things have I considered in my heart, that I might carefully understand them: there are just men and wise men, and their works are in the hand of God: and yet man knoweth not whether he be worthy of love, or hatred.”
• 1518 sermon on Confession, people should not come forward to Communion relying on a good Confession, but on the confidence that they would receive grace by faith alone.
• Luther’s portrayal of Roman Catholicism as a religion of “justification by works” erroneous, in fact Catholicism believes in “justification by faith” as firmly as any Protestant religion, idea that free will without grace can only sin could be found in both Aquinas and Augustine
• Mature Luther’s “passive justice” would exclude both Pelagian “active justice” and Catholic “cooperative justice”
• At this point though, Luther’s real break, his real novelty at this point, was not his anti-Pelagian conception of justice (Catholics had this also) but his new conception of faith:
  • Not general faith in God,
  • Not historical faith in the facts of the incarnation, passion, death, resurrection,
  • But faith that the saving work of Christ has been made actual and effective in one’s own case
• Eventually became disenchanted with St Augustine too, he was closer to St Paul than the Scholastics, but still didn’t quite get Paul
• Responding to Prierias’ response to 95 Theses he had already moved on to the idea that the certainty of the forgiveness of sins was available to believers through faith

Chapter 5 - Intimations of Antichrist

• In 1518, Thomas de Vio of Gaeta (Cardinal Cajetan) was sent as papal legate to Emperor Maximilian, one of his tasks was to calm down the uproar in Germany about L.
• L. summoned to appear before Cajetan in Augsburg in October 1518
• Cajetan cool and sharp, knew Luther’s writings well and how to rebut them
• L. was not good at debating with someone as intelligent as Cajetan, instead submitted a written document to him in which he (inter al.) cited the writings of the 15th century canonist Panormitanus, who once speculated that it would be possible for the Church to be reduced to only one individual (since it had between reduced to the Blessed Virgin Mary between the Crucifixion and the Resurrection), thus it is possible for a private individual’s judgment to be more correct than the Pope’s
• Strong undercurrent of individualism in Luther’s theology, even if he wasn’t aware of it (on the surface he would stress the importance of a united Church around a single creed), invocation of Panormitanus’ thought experiment an example of this
• At Augsburg L. for the first time gives himself supreme authority to interpret Scripture, so confident is he in his interpretation that he doesn’t recognize it as his own interpretation
• von Staupitz (who was with L. in Augsburg) seems to have abandoned him when he refused to recant
• Back in Wittenberg he made his true “grand gesture” (not 95 Theses) at the Castle Church on St Catherine’s Day, proclaiming that he would “never recant what he had taught, written, and preached”
• Around this time he begins to wonder whether the Pope is the Forerunner of Antichrist or Antichrist himself

Chapter 6 - Luther and Eck

• Eck involved in “South German Interest Rate Controversy”, known for arguing that charging modest interest on loans did not amount to usury (the “Augsburg Contract”), these associations made him an easy target for later critics
• the bishop of Eichstätt chose Eck to comment on 95 Theses in early 1518 (the “Obelisks” which led to Luther’s “Asterisks”), Luther characteristically took all criticism against his words against him personally
• Free will would be a large part of the 1519 Leipzig Disputation, it would cause Erasmus to break publicly with Luther
• In Proposition XIII on Papal Authority
• Leipzig capital of Ducal Saxony (Duke George would remain Catholic) while Wittenberg was the capital of Electoral Saxony (Elector Frederick would support and protect his subject Luther)
• Luther travelled 45 miles to Lepizig with a large convoy of rowdy students, Eck would travel 200 miles from Ingolstadt (Bavaria) with a single servant
• Debate was suspended on the Feast of Sts Peter & Paul, and Luther preached but avoided talking about papal authority, instead the bestowal of the keys to Peter was claimed by Luther to symbolize the forgiveness of sins -> Christians could never know their state of grace except through faith: “glaubt er es, so ist er selig; glaubt er es nit, so ist er verdampt” -> actually the most radical thing Luther would say in the entire 17 days of the debate!
• Eck’s debating at Leipzig often criticised in Luther hagiographies, but mostly undeserved; however his main fault during the debate is not recognizing just how revolutionary Luther’s claims about justification through faith alone were (illustrated by the St Peter sermon which Eck never made reference to during debate)
• “The Catholic defense of papal primacy would become almost a cliché before long, but in 1519 it was still novel ground”, Luther debated with recently printed Resolution on Proposition XIII on his lap, contrary to debating etiquette, Eck not as well prepared, did not have his own research at his fingertips
• Eck came expecting a traditional scholastic debate but “what he found was the opening phase of a culture clash”
• In Eck’s opening gambit on Proposition XIII he pointed out that Luther’s views on the papacy had already been condemned at the Council of Constance (also held by John Wycliffe); Luther in his counterargument made no immediate response to this assertion
• 2 main features of interest in debate:
  • Luther still thought of himself as a Catholic, he had wild ideas by this point but had striven to not take them too far; he still attributed authority to the Fathers, Councils, tradition, etc., believed in the indefectibility of the Church (it could not seriously go astray in interpreting the faith), did not like being compared to Hus and Wycliffe
  • Eck’s argumentation brought much that was implicit in Luther’s ideas to light, his assumptions and new approach to theology; Luther when pressed in fact had no more time for Councils and Fathers than he had for Popes, just Scripture alone, was definitely now moving beyond the bounds of orthodoxy
• Luther seems to believe that what is not necessary for salvation is not good at all for people, e.g. thinks that Eck believed that indulgences were necessary for salvation (he did not of course, just beneficial)
• Not yet formulated “Protestant scripture principle”, i.e. only Scripture and literal sense of Scripture decisive in theology, but Ecks persistent paring away brought him strongly in this direction
• In Galatians commentary written around time of debate, shows contrast of Law and Gospel that defines Lutheran tradition, law has taught people what to do but also paradoxically that they are unable to do it

Chapter 7 - Rome and Wittenberg

• Papal bull Exsurge Domine condemning Luther based on Eck’s take on Luther’s teachings
• 1520 treatise On the Papacy at Rome first set out the Protestant doctrine of the “invisible Church” as the true Church spoken of in the Bible (for a scriptural word cannot have two meanings), a Church not of this world, undermined the teaching authority of the “visible Church”
• Invisible purely spiritual Church known only to God, although one could at least know if oneself was a member (doctrine of certainty), individualism creeps in again
• Later that year, Appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, appealed to secular powers to reform the Church; argued there was no real distinction between clergy and laity (therefore Church authority need not be in the hands of the clergy)
• The Babylonian Captivity, a loose text with many digressions, it’s ultimate achievement is a new definition of sacrament; slightly mystical, the Mass is visible expression of the promise or testament of Christ, the promise of salvation; individualistic doctrine again in that it is a promise just to the individual, demands the faith of the individual, no propitiation for the sins of the people, the graces of the Mass cannot be applied to anyone, excluded the idea that the Mass is a sacrifice
• Purpose of the Eucharist is a “tangible guarantee of [Christ’s] promise, the substance of which was the forgiveness of sins”
• Acidic doctrine that ate away the economy of so many monasteries, colleges, guilds etc. endowed in return for Masses for the dead
• Sacraments whittled down to two (Baptism and Eucharist)
• Since scripture refers to the Eucharist both as “body” and “bread”, both must be true, not bread transformed into body of Christ
• R.R. claims “late medieval Church was laden with ceremonial observance” hence L.’s popular appeal, but many of these ceremonial observances were extremely popular!
• 1521, L. went public with Pope = Antichrist in Response to Ambrosius Catharinus
• L.’s innovation with regard to Antichrist, not single person but body of people, hence Antichrist not restricted to single Pope, but the Papacy
• In order for Protestantism to be true, Catholicism had to be not only false, but a complete antithesis to the truth, Antichurch, the Papacy paradoxically became an integral part of most Protestant belief

Chapter 8 - Worms and the Wartburg

• L.’s letters get very excited in advance of the Diet of Worms, expected martyrdom
• Erasmus, part of the Imperial entourage, “lobbied busily among the luminaries of the imperial court, urging restraint and moderation on anyone who would listen in an attempt to avert the cataclysm which perhaps only he could foresee.”
• Interestingly a lot of features of the cult of the saints attached themselves to L., haloes on printed portraits and tales of miracles
• From 1521 in Latin writings (but not in German!), L. uses name “Satan” instead of “diabolus”, from his stay at the Wartburg and translation of NT
• So much of L.’s thought involves reading scripture in a novel way, e.g. Ecclesiastes 7:21, “For there is no just man upon earth, that doth good, and sinneth not.”, commonsense reading = no one, no matter how good, is without sin, L.’s reading = there is no human action, however good, that is not a sin at the same time
• In medieval thought acting against one’s conscience is sinful, but L. “raised the stakes”: peace of conscience was certainty of grace, therefore any action not resulting in peace on conscience was contrary to conscience and sinful; since monks could not be certain that their vows were pleasing to God, they were displeasing

Chapter 9 - The Beginning and End of Reformation

• Luther left the Wartburg and returned to Wittenberg March 1522, gave series of sermons from the 1st Sunday Lent (the Invocavit sermons), in which he addressed religious images, but the chief subject was himself and his own authority, saw himself as an apostle sent by God (more like an Antiapostle!)
• Peasants’ War in 1524, Luther mainly on the side of political authority, i.e. the princes in quelling rebellion, his main scriptural source for this being the 4th Commandment, Honour thy father and thy mother
• Johann Cochlaeus, a humanist, quipped, “Times now are so strange that one prince can do more to merit heaven by bloodshed than others can do by their prayers.”
• “In consequence, Lutheranism became one of the most congenial versions of Christianity ever set before the powers of this world.”
• Medievals were interested in the idea of kingship by divine grace, kingship as a sacrament was stymied in the 13th century by scholastic definition of 7 sacraments, thenceforth political authority seen as coming from nature not grace
• Luther’s creative days were over by 1525, his positions fixed, in his early 40s

Chapter 10 - The Meaning of Martin Luther

• Luther and Erasmus’ exchanges highlight the difference between L.’s predestination vs. St Augustine and St Thomas’ predestination: for Augustine and Aquinas human will is still in some real sense free, L. saw no place for free will
• Erasmus saw through L.’s projected image of biblical theologian, saw him as another kind of scholastic sophist, full of pride at his own cleverness
• Erasmus also challenged him on why God, if he desires all to be saved (cf. Ezec 33:11, “nolo mortem peccatoris”) then why aren’t all saved? The biggest scriptural and philosophical difficulty with Luther’s predestination
• Luther gave a somewhat Gnostic response that doesn’t seem consistent with the rest of his theology: the Scriptures give the “revealed” will of God, but God has a “hidden” will, inscrutable and unrevealed that determined who would be saved
• L. didn’t set out to found a new religion, but became so convinced of his own ideas and apostleship and that everyone else was wrong, while crediting the source of his ideas to Scripture
• L.’s Christocentrism stemmed from and was an exaggeration of the medieval tradition of Christocentrism, St Bernard, Thomas a Kempis, Jesus Guilds, etc.
• The cross and its artistic depictions were inseparable, thus never went in for iconoclasty, “his sense of Christ was inseparable from a realist understanding of the Eucharist, as is evident in his later reminiscences of his first mass and of the ‘horror’ he experienced [in a Corpus Christi procession]”
• The Bible had an important place and honour in medieval Christianity, L.’s honour stems from this, but his disdain for “human tradition” did not
• The narrow sense of “the Word of God” to refer to the Bible popularized by Luther to separate Bible from Church tradition and authority (i.e. God only speaks through the Bible); seems really familiar today, cf. the “Liturgy of the Word” of the New Mass
• The 3 main novelties of L.’s thought, based on St Augustine, but ultimately contradicting him and 1000 years of tradition:
  • The invisible Church (for Augustine Church is definitely visible and this was his main point against the Donatists),
  • Baptism did not remove all sin (for Augustine it definitely did, and whatever flaws remained were not sins, but concupiscence, against Pelagius)
  • The certainty of grace (through justification by faith alone) (for Augustine the human and divine cooperated in salvation, but for Luther not cooperative but passive)
• L.’s egotism linked to the individualism of his theology and probably linked to his continual struggles against paternal authority: against his father, then his spiritual father (von Staupitz), then his princely father (Elector Frederick), then the pater patriae, Charles V, ultimately the Holy Father himself (revealed by L. to be Antichrist), “By 1530 nobody told Luther what to do.”